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jrahrah:

“Don’t let anybody tell you not to be angry. We have every right to be angry. We have every reason to be angry. And we ARE angry. And the reason that we’re angry — the reason we are angry — is because this is OUR country, and they took our government and imprisoned our queen — right here she was imprisoned in her palace. And they banned our language. And then they forcibly made us a state of the racist, colonialist United States of colonial America. Do you have a right to be angry? Of course you do. Of course you do!”
Speech by the Native Hawaiian Leader Haunani-Kay Trask for the 1993 Centennial Commemoration of the American overthrow of the Hawaiian Kingdom at ‘Iolani Palace, Honolulu

jrahrah:

“Don’t let anybody tell you not to be angry. We have every right to be angry. We have every reason to be angry. And we ARE angry. And the reason that we’re angry — the reason we are angry — is because this is OUR country, and they took our government and imprisoned our queen — right here she was imprisoned in her palace. And they banned our language. And then they forcibly made us a state of the racist, colonialist United States of colonial America. Do you have a right to be angry? Of course you do. Of course you do!”

Speech by the Native Hawaiian Leader Haunani-Kay Trask for the 1993 Centennial Commemoration of the American overthrow of the Hawaiian Kingdom at ‘Iolani Palace, Honolulu

(via fuckyeahriotgrrrlsofcolor)

Photoset

dynamicafrica:

The 1945 French Massacre in Setif & Guelma Algeria

TW: Savagery, brutality, violence, horrific images.

Despite the fact that most of the fighting against the Axis forces and Vichy France in North Africa had been conducted with honour and dispatch by Algerian troops the French decided to celebrate the victory of the Allies (a small part of whom were French) by committing an act of barbarism and genocide that echoes to this day. In one weekend of violence they murdered 45,000 Algerians.

Peaceful demonstrations had been taking place across Algeria for some months against the unfair treatment of indigenous Algerians (an oft-mentioned example was the reservation of bread for Europeans, the others only having the right to barley) and 15,000 people had protested in the streets of Mostaganem earlier without any incidents.

On May 8, 1945, a day chosen by the allies to celebrate their victory over Nazi Germany, thousands of Algerians gathered near the Abou Dher El-Ghafari mosque in Setif for a peaceful march - for which the sous-prefet had given permission. It was a market day.

At 9am, led by a young scout Saal Bouzid, whose name had been drawn for the honor of carrying the national flag, the demonstrators set off. A few minutes later the crowd, chanting ‘vive l’independance’ and other nationalist slogans, came under fire from troops commanded by General Duval and brought in from Constantine.

Saal Bouzid fell dead, becoming a national martyr. The scene soon turned into a massacre - the streets and houses being littered with dead bodies. Witnesses claim terrible scenes, that legionnaires seized babies by their feet and dashed their heads against rocks, that pregnant mothers were disemboweled, that soldiers dropped grenades down chimneys to kill the occupants of homes, that mourners were machine gunned while taking the dead to the cemetery.

A public record states that the European inhabitants were so frightened by the events that they asked that all those responsible for the protest movement should be shot. The carnage spread and, during the days that followed, some 45,000 Algerians were killed. Villages were shelled by artillery and remote hamlets were bombed with aircraft.

A Colonel in charge of burials being criticized for slowness told another officer ‘You are killing them faster than I can bury them.’ These incidents led to the upsurge of the PPA and ultimately, 17 years later to the country’s independence. In the retaliatory violence that immediately followed 104 Europeans were assassinated, but by the end several thousands were to die.

These incidents were particularly hard for Algerians who had fought the Nazis alongside the French forces, some of whom came home to find that their families had been decimated by the troops of General de Gaulle.

Led by the FLN (the national liberation front) the independence struggle caused France to draft in thousands of troops. In spite of opposition by Europeans living in the country a cease-fire was agreed to in March 1962. An extremist wing of the Army, the OAS, expanded its campaign of murder, torture and destruction, carrying on despite the cease-fire.

Survivors say that to this day France as a colonial power ‘has not had the courage to recognized its crimes. carried out in its former colonies and that it pretends to be a champion of human rights’.

Ending the liberation war, the Evian Agreement declared that extremist French soldiers (both regular, OAS and pieds noir irregulars, would not be prosecuted for crimes carried out in Algeria.

Both Chirac and Le Pen served in Algeria in the French Army.

(source)

Further reading:

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"What am I driving at? At this idea: that no one colonizes innocently, that no one colonizes with impunity either; that a nation which colonizes, that a civilization which justifies colonization - and therefore force - is already a sick civilization, a civilization that is morally diseased."

— Aimé Césaire, Discourse on Colonialism (via perscientiamlibertas)

(via texmexqwoc)

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"Colonial schooling was education for subordination, explotation, the creation of mental confusion and the development of underdevelopment."

How Europe underdeveloped Africa (Education for underdevelopment) - Walter Rodney (via knowledgeappliedispower)

My professor said that when she was attending school, you could get in serious trouble if you were caught using your native tongue. 

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(Source: androphilia)

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whitecolonialism:

Oh white colonialism..

And what scares me most is the people that look at this and see nothing wrong…

whitecolonialism:

Oh white colonialism..

And what scares me most is the people that look at this and see nothing wrong…

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"A little while ago, I was supposed to attend a Halloween party. I decided to dress as a nun because nuns were the scariest things I ever saw"

Willeta Dolphus, Cheyenne River Lakota

From Soul Wound: The Legacy of Native American Schools, by Andrea Smith.

My Grandpa is a veteran.  Served in Korea, Cyprus and elsewhere around the world as a scout with the Princess Pats II Commando.  He talks freely of it, of his service and the awful things he saw.

In contrast, he never talks about his time at St. Henri’s.  Not ever.

(via ayiman)

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"Colonialism is alive and well in most former colonies — with one major difference. Previously, the colonials barged in armed to the teeth, compelling locals to produce selected crops to make fortunes and fuel their Industrial Revolution. Today, the neocolonials are no longer content monopolising the output of those same lands; they want the source of the produce, too — the land itself and the accompanying water supply."

Najma Sadeque gives a detailed account of global and local land-grabbing taking place in Pakistan.

Oxfam found that almost 60 per cent of the land deals between 2000 and 2010 were in developing countries with serious hunger problems, while 60 percent of the lands were to produce biofuels for Western road vehicles. Two-thirds of the investors were producing purely for export, not to feed local hungry. When the financial crash of 2008 sent prices of staples sky high — Pakistan was no exception and the poor had to tighten their belts further — governments passed the buck onto unexplained ‘external’ reasons.

Oxfam put it very succinctly: “… very few if any of these land investments benefit local people or help to fight hunger. Two-thirds of agricultural land deals by foreign investors are in countries with a serious hunger problem.

Oxfam informs us that several thousand land deals over the past decade acquiring 260 million acres could have produced food for a billion people.

(via mehreenkasana)

(via fuckyeahsouthasia)

Quote
"Out of the blackest part of my soul, across the zebra striping of my mind, surges this desire to be suddenly white.
I wish to be acknowledged not as black but as white.
Now—and this is a form of recognition that Hegel had not envisaged—who but a white woman can do this for me? By loving me she proves that I am worthy of white love. I am loved like a white man.
I am a white man.
Her love takes me onto the noble road that leads to total realization…
I marry white culture, white beauty, white whiteness.
When my restless hands caress those white breasts, they grasp white civilization and dignity and make them mine."

Black Skin White Masks, Frantz Fanon

for all of us black men striving to decolonize our minds. this shit is never too far away. and its not even specific to white women. this includes our obsession with and the hypervisibility of “bi-racial” or “mixed” women (usually read: “women with at least a little white” or “women who are certainly not all black”) 

(via longsnatchedbythechickenhawk)

^All of this. And, you know… I’m tired of people acting like when I see both MJ and Scottie Pippen with similar looking White wives, that I can’t be side-eyeing them. When most of the successful Black men you’ve seen growing up ALL have White wives…. my eyes can’t help themselves….. 

(via longsnatchedbythechickenhawk-de)

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globalwarmist:


Top - England and India; 1. 100 yrs ago 2. Recently 3. Today 4. Future

These are taken from an Azeri magazine called Molla Nasreddin

Published between 1906 and 1930, Molla Nasreddin was a satirical Azeri magazine edited by the writer Jalil Mammadguluzadeh (1866-1932), and named after Nasreddin, the legendary Sufi wise man-cum-fool of the Middle Ages. With an acerbic sense of humor and realist illustrations reminiscent of a Caucasian Honoré Daumier or Toulouse-Lautrec, Molla Nasreddinattacked the hypocrisy of the Muslim clergy, the colonial policies of the US and European nations towards the rest of the world, and the venal corruption of the local elite, while arguing repeatedly for Westernization, educational reform, and equal rights for women. Publishing such stridently anti-clerical material, in a Muslim country, in the early twentieth century, was done at no small risk to the editorial team. Members of MN were often harassed, their offices attacked, and on more than one occasion, Mammadguluzadeh had to escape from protesters incensed by the contents of the magazine.
Managing to speak to the intelligentsia as well as the masses, however, the magazine was an instant success and would become the most influential and perhaps first publication of its kind to be read across the Muslim world, from Morocco to India. Roughly half of each eight-page issue featured illustrations, which made the magazine accessible to large portions of the population who were illiterate. And like the best cultural productions, MN was polyphonic, joyfully self-contradictory, and staunchly in favor of the creolization that results from multiple languages (it drew on three alphabets), ideas, and identities (its editorial offices were itinerant between Tbilisi, Baku, and Tabriz). While it helped give rise to a new Azeri intellectual culture, Iran was arguably the country where it had its greatest impact: MN focused relentlessly on the inefficiency and corruption of the Qajar dynasty, and its essays and illustrations acted as a preamble of sorts to the Iranian Constitutional Revolution of 1906-1910, which resulted in the establishment of the first parliament in all of Asia.

globalwarmist:

Top - England and India; 1. 100 yrs ago 2. Recently 3. Today 4. Future

These are taken from an Azeri magazine called Molla Nasreddin

Published between 1906 and 1930, Molla Nasreddin was a satirical Azeri magazine edited by the writer Jalil Mammadguluzadeh (1866-1932), and named after Nasreddin, the legendary Sufi wise man-cum-fool of the Middle Ages. With an acerbic sense of humor and realist illustrations reminiscent of a Caucasian Honoré Daumier or Toulouse-Lautrec, Molla Nasreddinattacked the hypocrisy of the Muslim clergy, the colonial policies of the US and European nations towards the rest of the world, and the venal corruption of the local elite, while arguing repeatedly for Westernization, educational reform, and equal rights for women. Publishing such stridently anti-clerical material, in a Muslim country, in the early twentieth century, was done at no small risk to the editorial team. Members of MN were often harassed, their offices attacked, and on more than one occasion, Mammadguluzadeh had to escape from protesters incensed by the contents of the magazine.

Managing to speak to the intelligentsia as well as the masses, however, the magazine was an instant success and would become the most influential and perhaps first publication of its kind to be read across the Muslim world, from Morocco to India. Roughly half of each eight-page issue featured illustrations, which made the magazine accessible to large portions of the population who were illiterate. And like the best cultural productions, MN was polyphonic, joyfully self-contradictory, and staunchly in favor of the creolization that results from multiple languages (it drew on three alphabets), ideas, and identities (its editorial offices were itinerant between Tbilisi, Baku, and Tabriz). While it helped give rise to a new Azeri intellectual culture, Iran was arguably the country where it had its greatest impact: MN focused relentlessly on the inefficiency and corruption of the Qajar dynasty, and its essays and illustrations acted as a preamble of sorts to the Iranian Constitutional Revolution of 1906-1910, which resulted in the establishment of the first parliament in all of Asia.

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